I am Brian Leung: they cannot understand; they cannot comprehend; they cannot see

Hong Kong Apostasy

 

Brian Leung Kai Ping (梁繼平, 1994-) is a graduate scholar who has been called ‘the face of protest in Hong Kong’. He was involved in the siege and assault on the Hong Kong Legislative Council (LegCo) on 1 July 2019. He was the only protester to remove his mask and reveal his identity. It was an act aimed at urging the occupiers to continue their demonstration in the LegCo chamber. It was also a brave gesture of solidarity with a group of protesters whose actions amounted to a declaration that for the Anti-Extradition Bill Protest Movement of 2019 there was ‘no return’ and no simple de-escalation of the conflict with the Hong Kong-Beijing authorities. It was also a defiant move undertaken in the full knowledge that ‘rioting’ carried a potential ten-year gaol sentence.

Following the incident, Brian Leung travelled to Taiwan and then on to the United States where he has been undertaking doctoral research in the Political Science Department of Washington University. On 16 August, he gave a speech via video link as part of the ‘Stand with Hong Kong, Power to the People Rally’ at an event co-organised by Hong Kong IIAD — Hong Kong Higher Institutions International Affairs Delegation 香港大專學界國際事務代表團. His speech was carried by Stand News 立場新聞, an independent, free, online news outlet, on 17 August. Below we reprint the English text of Brian Leung’s speech, with minor editorial changes, followed by the Chinese text. A link to the original video recording is provided in ‘Related Material’.

This is the latest chapter in ‘Hong Kong Apostasy’, a series devoted to the 2019 Anti-Extradition Bill Protest Movement. For more in this series, see ‘The Best China’ section of China Heritage.

— Geremie R.Barmé
Editor, China Heritage
20 August 2019

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Related Material:

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They Cannot Understand,
They Cannot Comprehend,
They Cannot See

They cannot understand why young people would exchange their wellbeing for the better tomorrow of this city. They cannot comprehend the tremendous power of self-organization and spontaneity embedded within a free society. They cannot see ideals and dignity in humanity but only the pursuit of material interests and lust for power.

— Brian Leung 梁繼平

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Source: Stand News 立場新聞, 17 August 2019

I am Brian Leung,

One of the protestors who
stormed LegCo on the 1st of July

我是梁繼平

7月1日當晚其中一位進入立法會的抗爭者

Brian Leung

梁繼平

 

I am Brian Leung, one of the many protestors who stormed LegCo on the 1st of July.

I would like to thank the organising committee for making this event possible, and for allowing me to deliver a short speech. Please forgive me for not being able to join forces with you all at the frontline, for now. But I do want to share my thoughts with you all.

A Community Forged by Empathy

In early June, I was still in America, focusing on my studies. When the Anti-Extradition Law Movement broke out — hundreds of thousands of people taking to the streets, tear gas being fired everywhere, and the police opening fire on the protestors, I was constantly looking at my phone or my computer for news updates. I saw young people of sixteen or seventeen being chased and beaten up by the police amid the clouds of teargas. Imagining their trembling in fear and anxiety, and thinking of the worry-free days they would otherwise have had, I was tearful and desperately looking for the moment to go back to Hong Kong.

When I finally got back to Hong Kong, I felt, on the one hand, excited; on the other hand, I experienced a deep sense of grief, one caused by the loss of several activists who sacrificed their lives to protest against the government. This grief burst forth in the most dramatic and unprecedented manner on the 1st of July.

On that day, outside the Legislative Council chambers, I witnessed the protestors who were relentlessly trying to break the glass doors at the entrance of the building. Having experienced the divisions in civil society during the Umbrella Movement [when ‘Peaceful’ and ‘Valiant’ or more militant protesters split over tactics], I was surprised by how united everyone was on the site. Although other protestors did look worried, they continued to show their support for those at the frontline.

I think the main reason for such unity has come about because other protestors can stand in the shoes of those who chose to escalate their actions even if it is not totally agreed. How other protestors can share their pain and desperation as a result of the common experience of injustice, abusive arrest, and martyrdom. As for everything happening inside the chamber that night, I don’t think any more explanation is necessary.

Uncertainty surely abounds when it comes to my personal future. But just as many other even braver Hongkongers, I would still put the movement over my safety.

Many close friends let me know later on that they simply can’t imagine the amount of distress I have to go through. However, I can’t help but think that our situations are not all that different. When we choose to side with the movement and become a protestor, we inevitably become an exile, alienated, abandoned by our city. Every protestor carries their respective burden — misunderstanding from family members, distancing by friends, or bitter accusations from pro-Beijing supporters.

We may live under the same sky, but we are as if miles apart. A city that was once familiar and dear to us, has overnight become barely recognisable. Distance does create its own sense of alienation, but, sometimes, there is nothing more alienating or that makes us feel more like a stranger than being right in the middle of the city. So, you could probably imagine what we are all going through.

I think this is what it means to call ourselves a community, that we are able to imagine others’ suffering, and willing to shoulder one another’s burdens.

A slogan in the movement says it all:

“I am taking the bullet for you; would you go on strike for me?”

In reality, neither anyone has the obligation to take any bullet, nor anyone has to go on strike for any other. But only when everyone’s suffering is our own, and when every sacrifice is for us all, would a community emerge. We honour their sacrifice, recognizing and passing on their spirit in every protest.

In essence, the identity of “Hongkonger” exists nowhere else but in our minds. And we reconstitute and strengthen this identity through our every struggle and daily practices. We take them as close as our own hands and feet, even if we have never seen their true likenesses; we take them as our kin even if we are never related to them in blood. Every sacrifice they made — their blood, freedom, or even lives — are here to nurture this community of suffering.

As long as we keep on shouldering each other’s suffering and having their sacrifice at heart, Hongkongers shall persist as a community, however much we stretch the boundaries of space and time. The fact that tens of thousands of overseas Hongkongers have demonstrated their support to the movement proves my point.

A Regime Crippled by Violence

In contrast, we are facing a regime of sheer violence and one that is deficient in imagination: They cannot understand why young people would exchange their wellbeing for the better tomorrow of this city. They cannot comprehend the tremendous power of self-organization and spontaneity embedded within a free society. They cannot see ideals and dignity in humanity but only the pursuit of material interests and lust for power.

The only thing they can hold on to is sheer violence and brutality. They have unleashed the beast within the police force to arbitrarily suppress protesters, pamper triads’ violence, and even threaten people with armed forces, proving that the government simply continues its brutal nature in the name of legitimacy.

In this movement, valiant protestors are recognised and proved indispensable. However, in the long run, we also need to outsmart this regime of nothing more than brutality by strategies of greater imagination, creativity, and wisdom. We have come up with a plethora of tactics, including occupation of streets and the Legislative Council, district-based gatherings, gatherings by professionals, gatherings at the airport, general strike, Lennon Walls, and international publicity campaigns.

An important lesson is that social forces are intricately interconnected as networks. Each node of social force brings about new possibilities of further mobilization and new challenges to the regime. Excellent examples include the civil servants as well as the transportation sector based on the MTR or the aviation industry. Therefore, we must uncover more openings of the authority within our city and further our organization and mobilization.

By the same token, Hong Kong is also embedded within the broader networks of not only China but also the world. As such, we have to analyse both our internal and external circumstances and formulate the unique position of Hong Kong. Finding new points of leverage on the international front is of utmost importance to furthering our movement.

Building International Alliances

In my experiences of studying abroad, my imagination is broadened by what it means to build international alliances. In France, I understood the history of many diasporic communities in Europe and the Americas, which continued their battles even after they had emigrated to foreign countries. They safeguarded and advanced their homelands’ interests by actively building overseas organizations, mobilisation, and lobbying. In the US, I met many Taiwanese and Tibetan Americans who have devoted their lives in building organizations and networks and lobbying efforts. I was extremely impressed by the level of commitment demonstrated by their young leaders of new generation into various organizing efforts and movements.

In short, building international alliances never necessarily comes into conflict with their local identities, but often helps foster the political development in their respective countries.

The international community is enormous in offering a lot of valuable lessons for Hongkongers. But it is exactly due to the size of this community that we lag so much behind other nations in terms of our efforts in building stronger connections. These include explaining and contextualizing our situation to international media and institutions, organising and mobilising overseas Hongkongers, building networks with various NGOs and INGOs, and lobbying for any legislation or acts protecting Hong Kong’s democracy, human rights and freedom.

Furthermore, the fifty-year promise of “One Country, Two Systems” expires in 2047. We must elevate the Hong Kong issues to an international level as soon as possible.

This gathering is thus an excellent starting point in fostering the implementation of the “Sino-British Joint Declaration” on the part of the UK, and the legislation of the “Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act” on the part of the US, and hopefully more countries in the future.

On one hand, the frequent financial interactions between China and the world have benefited tremendously from the fact that Hong Kong is a separate customs territory and China’s offshore financial centre. This special status is, and should be, dependent upon Hong Kong’s institutional distinctiveness from the Chinese system in terms of our autonomy and our protection of freedoms.

On the other hand, many democracies in the world have been sliding into authoritarianism, while people have lost faith and optimism in the ideals of freedom and democracy. At this moment, the energy, resilience, and aspiration for democracy and freedom as demonstrated by Hong Kong’s civil society represent a valuable source of inspiration and can contribute to many troubled democracies and civil societies.

Situating Hong Kong in the overlapping international network to formulate strategies is a key step in strengthening and safeguarding Hong Kong’s democracy and freedom in the long run.

Conclusion

The whole anti-extradition law movement has forced the regime to unveil its true facade — one that is so rotten to its core. There is no way for us to submit ourselves again to the past rotten order rooted in lies and injustice. However absurd the reality might be, this is our stepping stone to a brighter future: we shoulder each other’s suffering; we take off the mask of peace, rationality and justice to reveal this brutal regime; we build more extensive and stronger international alliance.

“We are afflicted in every way, but not crushed; perplexed, but not driven to despair.”

Just as we would’ve never imagined this movement to rebirth out of the ashes of the Umbrella Movement, our hope for justice and freedom will never come to an end. This flame will set ablaze one day. Our protest will eventually succeed.

I will keep fighting shoulder to shoulder with you and all Hongkongers.

我是梁繼平

7月1日當晚其中一位進入立法會的抗爭者。

 

我是梁繼平——7月1日當晚其中一位進入立法會的抗爭者。

我首先多謝主辦單位舉辦這次的國際連結集會，並邀請我去發言。請大家原諒我暫時無辦法與各位站在最前線抗爭，但我有一點的說話，想與大家分享。

想像他人痛苦的共同體

六月初，我仍然身在美國、埋首於學業，但當反送中運動爆發——數十萬人上街、催淚彈橫飛、甚至警方向示威者開槍時，我每時每刻都對著手機或電腦螢幕，緊貼著即時報導。

我看著十六、十七歲的年輕人在煙霧下被警察追捕、毆打，想像著他們的恐懼與不安，想像著他們原本可以享受的單純日子，就常常不自覺地激動、流淚。我心裡恨不得可以馬上回港參與運動。

六月中，當我回到香港時，一方面感到興奮，一方面體會到是因多名義士以生命控訴政權，抗爭者中間瀰漫著一片悲憤。

這種悲憤於7月1日以史無前例的方式去爆發。

當日，我一直在立法會外，觀察著抗爭者奮不顧身地撞擊玻璃門。對與經歷雨傘運動裡公民社會分裂的我，最令我驚訝的是，其他圍觀的示威者雖然神色凝重，卻一直為前線抗爭者送物資、打氣。

我想其原因是，即使示威者未能百分百認同衝擊行為，卻因為一起經歷政權的不義、警察的濫暴、義士離逝帶來的創傷，就能夠想像到前線抗爭者的悲憤與絕望。

至於，當晚在立法會會議廳裡面所發生的事，我就不在這裡詳談。

雖然我前途未卜，但若果要我在個人安危與延續運動之間選擇，好似好多比我更加勇敢的抗爭者一樣，我會選擇後者。

事後很多朋友對我說，他們無辦法想像我所面對的心情與壓力。其實我想，我們面對的情況，或者沒有很大差異。

因為在我們決定踏上抗爭路的時候，就注定被這個城市放逐、唾棄。

每位的抗爭者都承受著家人的不諒解、朋友的疏離、建制支持者的指罵；身處同一個地方，感覺卻似活在平行時空，對這個以為熟悉的城市感到陌生。雖然地域界限的確會產生一種異離感，但有時正正活在城市當中，卻更加覺得自己是異鄉人。

所以，你與我其實都可以想像到，彼此所經歷的的困苦。

我想，這就是我們常常說的「共同體」的真義。所謂的共同體，就是能想像他人痛苦，並且甘願彼此分擔的群體。

有句口號很能反映這個意思：

「我願意為你上前線擋子彈，你願意罷工嗎？」

實情是，前線沒有義務為你擋子彈，你亦沒有必要為他們罷工。

但只有當我們將他人所受的痛苦，視之為自己的痛苦；他人所作的犧牲，視之為為自己所作的犧牲，並且將每一場的抗爭，都看作是對前人所付出的肯定與追認，真正的共同體才能夠成立。

所以，「香港人」這個集體身份，其實是活在我們的心內，以及在我們每次抗爭、每日實踐當中。即使與戴著口罩的抗爭者素未謀面，我們亦視之為手足；即使與被告席上的義士非親非故，我們亦稱之為家人。

他們犧牲的血汗、自由與生命，都會化成養分，滋潤這個以苦難以建成的共同體。

只要我們一日堅守著這份想像他人痛苦、甘願彼此分擔的心，「香港人」這個共同體就不受地域與歷史時間的束縛；就如數以萬計的海外港人，多次動員聲援香港抗爭，就證明了這一點。

匱乏的暴力政權

相較之下，我們所面對的，是一個想像力匱乏的暴力政權。他們無法想像年輕人，竟然願意為城市的未來，押上個人的前途，亦無法想像自由社會，竟然能發揮龐大的自發性與組織力，更無法想像人除了經濟動物與權力奴隸之外，可以活得更有理想與尊嚴

他們所把持的，就只有最赤裸的強權與暴力。他們以警力肆意打壓示威者、縱容黑勢力施暴，甚至威嚇以軍隊鎮壓人民，就證明了國家只是以「合法性」之名義，去粉飾自身暴行的利益集團。

在是次運動中，勇武抗爭得到正名，其重要不容置疑。長遠而言，面對這個匱乏得只剩下暴力的政權，我們除了勇鬥，亦要靠智取—我們必須要比政權更有想像力、創意與智慧。

抗爭者在反送中運動就展現了多元的抗爭策略。我們發動了佔領街道、佔領立法會、地區集會、專業團體集會、機場集會、罷工、連儂牆、國際文宣等等。

其中一個啟示是，社會力量是環環相扣，每一環都帶來動員及撼動政權的契機。比如，公務員，與以地鐵及航空業為首的運輸界別就是好的例子。所以，我們必須積極尋找在我們城市運作當中，更多未被發掘的權力缺口，進一步去組織及動員。

同樣道理，香港置身於中國以至世界，亦是環環相扣。故此，我們必須理清香港的內外形勢、思考香港的獨特身位、尋找可借力的支點、拓展更多的國際戰線。

連結多方力量

在我兩次在外地留學的經歷中，拓寬了很多對國際連結的想像。在法國留學的時候，認識了歷史上歐美等地的離散族群，如何在散落海外時，仍然透過組織、動員、政策遊說，去影響母國的政治。

在美國留學的時候，我亦認識了臺裔、圖博裔美國人多年的組織、建立網絡、遊說華府的工作，以及他們新一代的年輕領袖如何積極投入各地組織與運動。

連結國際，原來不代表就要放棄自己的身份認同，反而更能夠促進本土政治的發展。

世界很大，有很多值得香港學習的案例；亦正因為世界很大，香港人在國際連結的工作仍然非常薄弱，有很多地方需要努力，包括向外國媒體及國際組織闡述香港的情況、組織及動員海外香港人、建立各地與非政府組織的交流網絡、向各國政府倡議保障香港民主、人權、自由的法案及政策。

而且，所謂「一國兩制」五十年不變的承諾，將於2047年到期。故此，我們必須盡快將香港的議題，全面上升為國際議題。

是次集會，就是一個非常好的起步，促使英國落實對「中英聯合聲明」的監察工作，以及推動美國等地的「香港人權與民主法案」立法工作。

一方面，中國與各國的金融交流，受惠於香港作為獨立關稅地區及離岸金融中心的地位，而此特殊地位是建基於香港能維持與中國體制區隔的自治，及對自由的保障。

另一方面，世界有多個民主國家均有向威權倒戈的跡像，人民對民主、自由的理想失去信心。此時，香港公民社會所展現的能量、韌性、及對民主、自由的渴求，就是為世界各地的民主政體及公民社會作出啟發與貢獻。

將香港放置於世界的脈絡去思考及提出倡議，是保障香港長遠的民主及自由的重要一步。

結語

是次反送中運動，揭露這個城市最腐敗、醜惡的一面。

我們已經沒有回頭，接受那個以謊言堆砌出來、早已物腐蟲生的所謂秩序。

我們唯有直視一切的荒謬，並以此為起點—分擔彼此的苦難、揭開暴力政權以「和平」、「理性」、「法治」所編成的遮醜布、開拓更多戰線與國際連結的工作。

黑夜可以奪走我們眼中的光明，但無法熄滅我們心裡的火種。我們心裡作難，卻不要絕望；四面受敵，卻不要被困住。就如無人預計到反送中運動能在雨傘的灰燼中爆發，我們對公義自由的渴求亦不會停止，抗爭運動的星火終有一日燎原。

為此，我會與各位一路並肩作戰。

香港人，加油。

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